In December 2022, Jon Favreau, a co-host of the massively popular liberal podcast “Pod Save America,” took his family to visit the White House. Favreau, a former speechwriter for Barack Obama, had extensive connections within the Biden administration and brought his family along to visit his old stomping grounds. After a brief detour to say hello to a friend, Favreau went to his old office and was surprised to find President Joe Biden sitting there, charming his family. Not only that, the president had recognized Favreau’s mother-in-law from a fundraiser she had attended years earlier; he soon invited the whole group to the Oval Office, where he regaled them with a blow-by-blow account of Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork’s failed confirmation hearings in 1987. The president’s staff seemed either blithely unaware that he was devoting a huge chunk of a weekday afternoon to story time or unwilling to intervene, but then again, Biden had always been a yapper.
In April 2024, Favreau visited the White House with his podcast co-hosts and several other “influencers” at a meet-and-greet the night before the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner. Biden was incoherent and frail; he kept telling stories that no one could understand. Sixteen months had passed, but he seemed to have aged a half-century. An alarmed Favreau approached a White House aide, but his concerns were brushed off. The president was just tired, he was told. It was the end of a long week. There was no reason for concern. Two months later, Biden delivered the single worst performance in the 60-year history of televised presidential debates, dooming his reelection campaign, destroying his presidency and essentially delivering the country to Donald Trump.
Favreau’s experience was hardly unique. Far from it. “Original Sin: President Biden’s Decline, Its Cover-Up, and His Disastrous Choice to Run Again,” CNN anchor Jake Tapper and Axios reporter Alex Thompson’s account of Biden’s marked deterioration throughout his presidency, is littered with similar anecdotes. The result of more than 200 interviews, the book is a damning account of an elderly, egotistical president shielded from reality by a slavish coterie of loyalists and family members united by a shared, seemingly ironclad sense of denial and a determination to smear anyone who dared to question the president’s fitness for office as a threat to the republic covertly working on behalf of Trump. For years, they denied the president had any issues and kept him away from a public that had long since concluded that he was too old for the job. It worked for an astonishingly long time, until, very suddenly, it didn’t.
Of the many virtues of “Original Sin,” the greatest is its stubborn focus on Biden’s health as not just the most important factor in the 2024 election but the sole defining reason for Trump’s victory. “The original sin of Election 2024 was Biden’s decision to run for re-election,” Tapper and Thompson write, “followed by aggressive efforts to hide his cognitive diminishment.” “Original Sin” is not really a “campaign book” — its account of the 2024 election largely ends after Biden drops out — but its simple assessment of the race is more compelling than anything else I’ve read about it.
For Tapper and Thompson, Kamala Harris never had a chance. Had Biden announced he would serve only one term after the midterm elections in 2022, the party could have run a primary and selected a candidate who wasn’t saddled with the considerable damage of Biden’s administration — Gaza, inflation, the growing belief that he was simply no longer capable of being president. When Biden finally bowed to reality and announced he would no longer seek reelection, Harris was the only option and arguably the worst imaginable pick: Naturally cautious, she couldn’t break from the unpopular administration she belonged to. “Original Sin” is rarely better than when Tapper and Thompson are writing — with extensive reporting and clear-eyed prose — about the disaster that Biden caused. “No one thought that the Harris campaign had been without error,” they write. “But for the most knowledgeable Democratic officials and donors, and for top members of the Harris campaign, there was no question about the father of this election calamity: It was Joe Biden.” Over the next year, dozens of books will appear that attempt to explain this election. It’s hard to imagine any doing better than that.
How Biden, Harris and the Democratic Party got there is a more complicated story. Tapper and Thompson pose three questions at the end of the book’s first chapter: “What was the extent of [Biden’s decline]? Who knew about it? Was it a conspiracy?” As with the provocative claim of a “cover-up” in the book’s subtitle, the invocation of Watergate is far from subtle. In any case, their extensive reporting speaks for itself: To answer those questions, they write, “We will let the facts speak for themselves.”
The facts certainly point to Biden’s staff having more strategically protected him from public view after the midterms, when he increasingly struggled to handle the basic duties of the presidency. If his mental state was bad, he was in just as rough shape physically — aides were reportedly mulling using a wheelchair to transport him if he won a second term.
As Biden’s decline worsened, one aide noted that his entire presidency changed. “Everything got shorter,” Tapper and Thompson write, “speeches, paragraphs, even sentences. The vocabulary shrank.” And yet, Biden was almost never confronted with evidence that he was faltering or that the public had determined he was unfit for the presidency. Biden’s family and a group of loyal aides who Tapper and Thompson call “the Politburo” were singularly devoted to the belief that Biden was uniquely capable of leading the country, and they went to great lengths to limit the president’s access to negative information to sustain it. The result was a political environment in which those who challenged the president’s standing, such as then-Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minnesota), who mounted a quixotic primary campaign, were ostracized and a media environment in which few reporters were willing to question the president’s fitness for office. (Thompson was one of a handful of exceptions to the rule.)